In a State of High Alert, Algiers Braces for Protests

Thousands of Algerians are preparing to defy their government with demonstrations in the capital and elswhere scheduled to take place on February 12, 2011. Although the Algerian people have been on a permanent state of protest, with riots rocking the capital and other cities during the month of December 2010, the events in Tunisia and Egypt are giving demonstrators new strength and fresh ideas on how to organize.

Massive Show of Force:

As in previous calls for peaceful demonstrations, the authorities have issued a ban and scores of anti riot troops and policemen have been positioned in key areas of the capital and in major cities. Hundreds of buses and trucks carrying heavily armed anti riots troops have been placed in different areas of the capital. Hundred of civilian buses have been requisitioned by the Ministry of the Interior (police ministry) to bring fresh troops from other regions. The Tahar Djaout Center, which has been used by journalists, intellectuals and organizers to meet, has been surrounded by a cordon of policemen. Same scene in and around the Mustapha Hospital. The main routes linking Algiers have been beefed up by police roadblocks.

While the December riots were of a sporadic nature, the February 12 planned demonstrations are being organized by a coalition of opposition parties, NGOs, and independent trade unions under an entity called Coordination Nationale pour le Changement et la Démocratie or CNCD. The CNCD saw its formation on January 21, 2011 in the aftermath of the December and early January riots that led to five deaths and 800 wounded. The CNCD’s primary call is to “change the system” amid what it calls a “political vacuum that could lead to an explosion of the Algerian society.” The organizers also announced that demonstrations will also take place in Europe and in North America to support the demands of the Algerians back home. That would include a dozen marches in France.

The last demonstration, which was organized by the opposition RCD party, was scheduled to take place in January 22, 2011 but was not allowed by the Interior Ministry and its police forces.

Bracing for growing discontent, the Interior Ministry was reported by Arabic-language El-Khabar daily newspaper to have put on alert some 30,000 troops to be deployed in the capital and in neighboring cities such as Boumerdes, Bejaia, Tizi Ouzou, and Tipaza.

Demonstrators in Algeria’s second largest city, Oran were also denied their right to demonstrate. “This is in sharp contradiction to Bouteflika’s recent announcement of people’s rights to demonstrate,” noted an editorial in Liberte newspaper. Indeed, on February 3, 2011, President Bouteflika urged the population to not demonstrate in the capital, a right that has been banned since 2001. However, he allowed them to do so elsewhere, including Oran. Still, the governor there (Wali), who must be noted reports to the police ministry (Interior Ministry) decided that demonstrations should not take place. To appease the population, Bouteflika also promised the lifting of the 20 year state of emergency, in addition to calling for changes aimed at easing economic hardship.

Meanwhile, the pro-government labor union the UGTA and even opposition party FFS decided to distance themselves from the CNCD.

Algeria is now bracing for what could be a long winter of confrontations, likely to be magnified by the sudden January departure of Tunisia’s Ben Ali, and February resignation of Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak. Algeria has been in a constant state of stress and tension is everywhere. Apart from the December and January riots, the North African nation has been rocked by a series of strikes affecting a number of sectors. In the education sector, students and teachers have been on strike complaining about inadequate educational programs, sub-standard curriculums and appalling work conditions. This week, more than 100,000 healthcare workers have been staging their own strikes, essentially paralyzing the whole sector.

Not Backing Down:

Facing this massive show of force by intransigent authorities, the organizers are not backing down and are ready to move forward with their march. Signs and placards are being made, discussions about structuring the march are ongoing and volunteers abound. Organizers who came from other provinces (wilayas) to help their peers in the capital are provided with housing and food. The Internet is also being used to mobilize people. Journalist Fodil Boumala designed a short advertisement over Youtube and Facebook inviting Algerians to take to street on February 12.

Although each political party and organization taking part to the march will be allowed to use their own slogans, there are common themes that unify them, including demands for an immediate lifting of the state of emergency, the freeing of those jailed during the previous demonstrations and riots, as well as calls for more democracy, social justice, the liberalization of the media and political rights. Some organizers also predict that anti-government slogans may appear during the march such as ”Boutef Dégage” (Bouteflika Go Away) or “DRS barakat” (enough of DRS, the military intelligence) according to a representative of the Algerian Human Rights League.

To avoid an out-of-control situation that could lead to violence, the organizers have decided to assign special cloths to those in charge so they can be easily identified. The special clothsdesigns and colors have been kept secret so as to avoid sharing any information with pro-government agitators that are expected to be active during the event.

Outside of the headquarters of the organizers, security services have been busy scrutinizing, recording and filming all activity on the contuous basis. Reckless, the political parties that are part of the governing coalition and against this movement have called for a counter-demonstration so as to raise tension and discredited pro-democracy opposition.

In this tense situation, there is no doubt that the Algerian government is increasingly under pressure and can resort to drastic measures to contain the legitimate demands of the people. In the past, a violent police have quelled the pro-democracy movement in so many occasions. This time, even if the police and the military manage to slow down the marchers, the demise of Mubarak and Ben Ali on the hands of their people are seen in the halls of power as indicative of what can happen when popular discontent explodes and legitimate political demands are not met.